ᐅAbraham Lincoln Quotes On Leadership, Democracy and Education

You think slavery is right and ought to be extended; while we think it is wrong and ought to be restricted. That I suppose is the rub. It certainly is the only substantial difference between us.

If this country cannot be saved without giving up that principle – I was about to say I would rather be assassinated on this spot than to surrender it.

I have often pondered over the dangers which were incurred by the men who assembled here, and framed and adopted that Declaration of Independence. I have pondered over the toils that were endured by the officers and soldiers of the army who achieved that Independence.

I have never had a feeling politically that did not spring from the sentiments embodied in

I have never had a feeling politically that did not spring from the sentiments embodied in the Declaration of Independence.

I shall endeavor to take the ground I deem most just to the North, the East, the West, the South, and the whole country.

I shall do all that may be in my power to promote a peaceful settlement of all our difficulties. The man does not live who is more devoted to peace than I am.

.. acting honestly and sincerely, and with your aid, I think we shall be able to get through the storm.

I have been occupying a position, since the Presidential election, of silence, of avoiding public speaking, of avoiding public writing. I have been doing so because I thought, upon full consideration, that was the proper course for me to take.

I have appeared only that you might see me and I you, and I am not sure but that I have the best of the sight.

While I hold myself without mock modesty, the humblest of all individuals that have ever been elevated to the Presidency, I have a more difficult task to perform than any one of them.

I have stepped out upon this platform that I may see you and that you may see me, and in the arrangement I have the best of the bargain.

Our men are not moles, and can’t dig under the earth; they are not birds, and can’t fly through the air. There is no way but to march across, and that they must do.

Now, and ever, I shall do all in my power for peace, consistently with the maintainance of government.

Now, and ever, I shall do all in my power for peace, consistently with the maintainance of government.

The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battle-field, and patriot grave, to every living heart and hearthstone, all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union, when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature.

We are not enemies, but friends. We must not be enemies. Though passion may have strained it must not break our bonds of affection.

Continue to execute all the express provisions of our national Constitution, and the Union will endure forever.

Why should there not be a patient confidence in the ultimate justice of the people? Is there any better or equal hope, in the world?

I have reached this city of Washington under circumstances considerably differing from those under which any other man has ever reached it. I have reached it for the purpose of taking an official position amongst the people, almost all of whom were opposed to me, and are yet opposed to me, as I suppose.

I bring to the work [of president] an honest heart; I dare not tell you that I bring a head sufficient for it.

There will be no blood shed unless it be forced upon the Government. The Government will not use force unless force is used against it.

In my view of the present aspect of affairs, there is no need of bloodshed and war. There is no necessity for it. I am not in favor of such a course, and I may say in advance, there will be no blood shed unless it be forced upon the Government.

An army is better directed by a single man, though inferior, than by two superior ones, at variance, and cross purposes with each other.

Labor is prior to, and independent of, capital. Capital is only the fruit of labor, and could never have existed if labor had not first existed. Labor is the superior of capital, and deserves much the higher consideration.

Wanting to work is so rare a merit, that it should be encouraged.

Fair play is a jewel.

It is a struggle for maintaining in the world, that form and substance of government whose leading object is to elevate the condition of men.

The people will save their government, if the government itself will do its part only

The people will save their government, if the government itself will do its part only indifferently well.

So much of promised usefulness to one's country, and of bright hopes for one's self and friends, have rarely been so suddenly dashed, as in his fall.

In the untimely loss of your noble son, our affliction here, is scarcely less than your own. So much of promised usefulness to one's country, and of bright hopes for one's self and friends, have rarely been so suddenly dashed, as in his fall.

I have desired as sincerely as any man – I sometimes think more than any other man – that our present difficulties might be settled without the shedding of blood.

I have no objection to declare a thousand times that I have no purpose to invade Virginia or any other State, but I do not mean to let them invade us without striking back.

Your call for Parrott guns from Washington alarms me – chiefly because it argues indefinite procrastination. Is anything to be done?

Allow me to thank you in behalf of my little son for your present of White Rabbits. He is very much pleased with them.

Engaged, as I am, in a great war, I fear it will be difficult for the world to understand how fully I appreciate the principles of peace.

I know that the Divine hand that has wounded, is the only one that can heal.

I know that the Divine hand that has wounded, is the only one that can heal.

This man wants to work – so uncommon a want that I think it ought to be gratified.

Delay is ruining us.

A pair of socks so fine, and soft, and warm, could hardly have been manufactured in any other way than the old Kentucky fashion.

In a storm at sea, no one on board can wish the ship to sink; and yet, not unfrequently, all go down together, because too many will direct, and no single mind can be allowed to control.

I have been unwilling to go beyond the pressure of necessity in the unusual exercise of power.

It is gratifying to know that the patriotism of the people has proved equal to the occasion, and that the number of troops tendered greatly exceeds the force which Congress authorized me to call into the field.

Our common country is in great peril, demanding the loftiest views, and boldest action to bring it speedy relief.

All accounts say better fighting was never done. Ten thousand thanks for it.

The loss of enemies does not compensate for the loss of friends.

If you falter and give up, you will lose the power of keeping any resolution, and will regret it all your life.

I expect to maintain this contest until successful, or till I die, or am conquered, or my term expires, or Congress or the country forsakes me.

The secretary of War, you know, holds a pretty tight rein on the Press, so that they shall not tell more than they ought to, and I’m afraid that if I blab too much he might draw a tight rein on me.

Stand well on your guard – hold all your ground, or yield any only, inch by inch and in good order.

Each of our commanders along our line from Richmond to Corinth supposes himself to be confronted by numbers superior to his own.

The thanks of the nation will follow you, and may God's blessing rest upon you now and forever.

It is upon the brave hearts and strong arms of the people of the country that our reliance has been placed in support of free government and free institutions.

Lieutenant Commanding James W. A. Nicholson, now commanding the Isaac Smith, wishes to be married, and from evidence now before me, I believe there is a young lady who sympathizes with him in that wish. Under these circumstances, please allow him the requisite leave of absence, if the public service can safely endure it.

I shall do nothing in malice. What I deal with is too vast for malicious dealing.

I am a patient man – always willing to forgive on the Christian terms of repentance; and also to give ample time for repentance.

I distrust the wisdom if not the sincerity of friends, who would hold my hands while my enemies stab me.

It is a matter of no importance to me whether I spend my time with half a dozen or with the whole of you, but it is of importance to you. Therefore, when you come in, please don't stay long.

... all persons held as slaves within any state or states, wherein the constitutional authority of the United States shall not then be practically recognized, submitted to, and maintained, shall then, thenceforward, and forever, be free.

You are in error if you suppose any important portion of my correspondence escapes my notice. Every thing requiring my action or attention is brought to my notice.

That those who make a causeless war should be compelled to pay the cost of it, is too obviously just to be called in question.

The severest justice may not always be the best policy.

The severest justice may not always be the best policy.

Room in South America for colonization, can be obtained cheaply, and in abundance; and when numbers shall be large enough to be company and encouragement for one another, the freed people will not be so reluctant to go.

In great contests, each party claims to act in accordance with the will of God. Both may be, and one must be, wrong.

If I could save the Union without freeing any slave I would do it, and if I could save it by freeing all the slaves I would do it.

What I do about slavery, and the colored race, I do because I believe it helps to save the Union; and what I forebear, I forebear because I do NOT believe it would help to save the Union.

My paramount object in this struggle is to save the Union, and is not either to save or to destroy slavery. If I could save the Union without freeing any slave I would do it, and if I could save it by freeing all the slaves I would do it

I shall try to correct errors when shown to be errors; and I shall adopt new views so fast as they shall appear to be true views.

It is difficult to make a man miserable while he feels worthy of himself, and claims kindred

It is difficult to make a man miserable while he feels worthy of himself, and claims kindred to the great God who made him.

It is a cheering thought throughout life that something can be done to ameliorate the condition of those who have been subject to the hard usage of the world.

Please say to these gentlemen [Army paymasters] that if they do not work quickly I will make quick work with them.

The government cannot afford to accept services, and refuse payment for them.

I can only say that I have acted upon my best convictions without selfishness or malice, and that by the help of God, I shall continue to do so.

Capt. Dahlgren may let ``Tad'' have a little gun that he can not hurt himself with.

If we never try, we shall never succeed.

Are you not over-cautious when you assume that you can not do what the enemy is constantly doing? Should you not claim to be at least his equal in prowess and act upon the claim?

General McClellan and myself are to be photographed … if we can be still long enough. I feel General McClellan should have no problem.

The North responds to the proclamation sufficiently in breath; but breath alone kills no rebels.

What I did, I did after very full deliberation, and under a heavy and solemn sense of responsibility. I can only trust in God that I have made no mistake.

Shall be then, thenceforward, and forever free …

I hope it will not be irreverent for me to say that if it is probable that God would reveal his will to others, on a point so connected with my duty, it might be supposed he would reveal it directly to me.

I have not decided against a proclamation of liberty to the slaves, but hold the matter under advisement. And I can assure you that the subject is on my mind, by day and night, more than any other.

In the present civil war it is quite possible that God’s purpose is something different from the purpose of either party.

In giving freedom to the slave, we assure freedom to the free.

There is no line, straight or crooked, suitable for a national boundary, upon which to divide.

Without slavery the rebellion could never have existed; without slavery it could not continue.

I certainly know that if the war fails, the administration fails, and that I will be blamed for it, whether I deserve it or not.

I dismissed you as an example and a warning. … I bear you no ill will; and I regret that I could not have the example without wounding you personally.

In all available ways give the people a chance to express their wishes at these elections. ... Get the expression of the largest number of the people possible.

In considering military merit, it seems to me the world has abundant evidence that I discard politics.

Most certainly I intend no injustice to any; and if I have done any, I deeply regret it.

I have just read your dispatch about sore tongued and fatigued horses. Will you pardon me for asking what the horses of your army have done since the battle of Antietam that fatigue anything?

In all available ways give the people a chance to express their wishes at these elections.

A measure made expedient by a war is no precedent for times of peace.

In this sad world of ours, sorrow comes to us all; and, to the young, it come with bitterest agony, because it takes them unawares. The older have learned to ever expect it.

Although you were not successful, the attempt was not an error, nor the failure other than an accident.

If there is a worse place than hell, I am in it.

Our abundant room – our broad national homestead – is our ample resource.

The fiery trial through which we pass will light us down, in honor or dishonor, to the latest generation.

In times like the present, men should utter nothing for which they would not willingly be responsible through time and in eternity.

Labor is like any other commodity in the market – increase the demand for it, and you increase the price of it.

Practice proves more than theory …

Our strife pertains to ourselves – to the passing generations of men; and it can, without convulsion, be hushed forever with the passing of one generation.

For the first [time] in the world, an attempt has been made to construct a new Nation ... to maintain, enlarge, and perpetuate human slavery.

The bare site of fifty thousand armed, and drilled black soldiers on the banks of the Mississippi, would end the rebellion at once.

There is powerful temptation in money.

There is powerful temptation in money.

The resources, advantages, and powers of the America n people are very great, and they have, consequently, succeeded to equally great responsibilities.

The [emancipation] proclamation has been issued. We were not succeeding – at best, were progressing too slowly – without it. Now, that we have it, and bear all the disadvantage of it, (as we do bear some in certain quarters) we must also take some benefit from it, if practicable.

Broken eggs can not be mended. I have issued the emancipation proclamation, and I can not retract it.

I never did ask more, nor ever was willing to accept less, than for all the States, and the people thereof, to take and hold their places, and their rights, in the Union, under the Constitution of the United States.

To condemn a class is, to say the least, to wrong the good with the bad. I do not like to hear a class or nationality condemned on account of a few sinners.

The U.S. government must not, as by this order, undertake to run the churches. When an individual, in a church or out of it, becomes dangerous to the public interest, he must be checked; but let the churches, as such take care of themselves.

It is not the qualified voters, but the qualified voters who choose to vote, that constitute the political power of the state.

Quite possibly I was wrong both then and now; but … I cannot be entirely silent.

He who dissuades one man from volunteering, or induces one soldier to desert, weakens the Union cause as much as he who kills a union soldier in battle.

Must I shoot a simple-minded soldier boy who deserts, while I must not touch a hair of a wily agitator who induces him to desert?

A jury too frequently have at least one member more ready to hang the panel than to hang the traitor.

I would not take any risk of being entangled upon the river, like an ox jumped half over a fence, and liable to be torn by dogs, front and rear, without a fair chance to gore one way or kick the other.

As a pilot, I have used my best exertions to keep afloat our ship of State, and shall be glad to resign my trust at the appointed time to another pilot more skillful and successful than I may prove.

Let your military measures be strong enough to repel the invader and keep the peace, and not so strong as to unnecessarily harass and persecute the people. It is a difficult role.

If both factions, or neither, shall abuse you, you will probably be about right. Beware of being assailed by one, and praised by the other.

I shall keep watch and try to do my duty.

The worst thing the enemy could do for himself would be to weaken himself ... & therefore it is safe to believe he is not doing it.

It is the duty of every Government to give protection to its citizens, of whatever class, color or condition, and especially to those who are duly organized as soldiers in the public service.

To sell or enslave any captured person, on account of his color, and for no offense against the Laws of war, is a relapse into barbarism.

General Grant is a copious worker, and fighter, but a very meager writer, or telegrapher.

I was deeply mortified by the escape of Lee across the Potomac, because the substantial destruction of his army would have ended the war, and because I believed, such destruction was perfectly easy.

A few days having passed, I am now profoundly grateful for what was done, without criticism for what was not done. Gen. Meade has my confidence as a brave and skillful officer, and a true man.

Gen. Meade and his noble army had expended all the skill, and toil, and blood, up to the ripe harvest, and then let the crop go to waste.

I do not believe you appreciate the magnitude of the misfortune involved in Lee’s escape. … Your golden opportunity is gone, and I am distressed immeasurably because of it.

Slow-moving Union forces will, in my unprofessional opinion, be quite as likely to capture the Man-in-the-Moon, as any part of Lee's Army.

How long ago is it? – eighty odd years – since on the Fourth of July for the first time in the History of the world a nation by its representatives, assembled and declared as a self-evident truth that 'all men are created equal.'

I do not think the raid into Pennsylvania amounts to anything at all.

Actual war coming, blood grows hot, and blood is spilled. Thought is forced from old channels into confusion. Deception breeds and thrives.

I do therefore invite my fellow citizens in every part of the United States, and also those who are at sea and those who are sojourning in foreign lands, to set apart and observe the last Thursday of November next, as a day of Thanksgiving and Praise to our beneficent Father who dwelleth in the Heavens.

I freely acknowledge myself the servant of the people, according to the bond of service – the United States constitution

Peace does not appear so distant as it did. I hope it will come soon, and come to stay; and so come as to be worth the keeping in all future time.

You say you will not fight to free negroes. Some of them seem willing to fight for you; but, no matter. Fight you, then, exclusively to save the Union.

I think nothing equals ‘Macbeth.’ It is wonderful.

Tell dear Tad, poor ‘Nanny Goat,’ is lost … The day you left Nanny was found resting herself, and chewing her little cud, on the middle of Tad's bed. But now she's gone!

I think I shall not, in any event, retract the emancipation proclamation; nor, as executive, ever return to slavery any person who is free by the terms of that proclamation, or by any of the acts of Congress.

It is therefore ordered that for every soldier of the United States killed in violation of the Law s of war, a rebel soldier shall be executed.

Satisfactory and important as have been the performances of the heroic men of the navy at this interesting period, they are scarcely more wonderful than the success of our mechanics and artisans in the production of war vessels which has created a new form of naval power.

Now if this Army of the Potomac was any good, if the officers had anything in them ... they could move 30,000 men down to Lynchburg and catch Longstreet. Can anybody doubt, if Grant were here in command that he would catch him?

Honor to the Soldier, and Sailor everywhere, who bravely bears his country's cause. Honor also to the citizen who cares for his brother in the field, and serves, as he best can, the same cause.

Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent, a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.

... government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.

In my position it is somewhat important that I should not say any foolish things. It very often happens that the only way to help it is to say nothing at all.

A second term would be a great honor and a great labor, which together, perhaps I would not decline, if tendered.

Quarrel not at all. No man resolved to make the most of himself can spare time for personal contention.

Better give your path to a dog, than be bitten by him in contesting for the right.

Better give your path to a dog, than be bitten by him in contesting for the right. Even killing the dog would not cure the bite.

I have often wished that I was a more devout man than I am.

You and those of your age are to take charge of this country when we older ones shall have gone …

This war is eating my life out. I have a strong impression that I shall not live to see the end.

This war is eating my life out. I have a strong impression that I shall not live to see the end.

On principle I dislike an oath which requires a man to swear he has not done wrong. It rejects the Christian principle of forgiveness on terms of repentance. I think it is enough if the man does no wrong hereafter.

Of all things, avoid if possible, a dividing into cliques among the friends of the common object.

I had ordered his punishment commuted to imprisonment. … I did this, not on any merit in the case, but because I am trying to evade the butchering business lately.

I have never interfered, nor thought of interfering as to who shall or shall not preach in any church. ... I will not have control of any church on any side.

I shall not attempt to retract or modify the emancipation proclamation; nor shall I return to slavery any person who is free by the terms of that proclamation, or by any of the acts of Congress.

Nothing is likely to be so baleful in the great work before us, as stepping aside of the main object to consider who will get the offices if a small matter shall go thus, and who else will get them, if it shall go otherwise. It is a time now for real patriots to rise above all this.

The resources of the nation have been developed and its power displayed in the construction of a navy …

It is easy to see that, under the sharp discipline of civil war, the nation is beginning a new life.

It is easy to see that, under the sharp discipline of civil war, the nation is beginning a new life.

Property is the fruit of labor – property is desirable – is a positive good in the world.

If all that has been said by orators and poets since the creation of the world in praise of women were applied to the women of America , it would not do them justice for their conduct during this war.

We should avoid planting and cultivating too many thorns in the bosom of society.

While we must, by all available means, prevent the overthrow of the government, we should avoid planting and cultivating too many thorns in the bosom of society.

In using the strong hand, as now compelled to do, the government has a difficult duty to perform. At the very best, it will by turns do both too little and too much.’’

They [black voters] would probably help, in some trying time to come, to keep the jewel of liberty within the family of freedom.

Do your best to get out the largest vote possible; and, of course, as much of it as possible on the right side.

Do your best to get out the largest vote possible; and, of course, as much of it as possible on the right side.

Under the authority of an act of Congress to revive the grade of lieutenant-general in the United States Army, approved February 29, 1864, Lieutenant-General Ulysses S. Grant, U.S. Army, is assigned to the command of the armies of the United States.

My wish is that all who are for emancipation in any form, shall co-operate, all treating all respectfully, and all adopting and acting upon the major opinion, when fairly ascertained.

The U.S. government must not undertake to run the churches.

The world has never had a good definition of the word liberty, and the America n people, just now, are much in want of one.

The shepherd drives the wolf from the sheep’s throat, for which the sheep thanks the shepherd as a liberator, while the wolf denounces him for the same act as the destroyer of liberty.

I am responsible … to the America n people, to the Christian world, to History , and on my final account to God.

Please tell these little people I am very glad their young hearts are so full of just and generous sympathy, and that, while I have not the power to grant all they ask, I trust they will remember that God has, and that, as it seems, He wills to do it.

I am naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is not wrong, nothing is wrong. I can not remember when I did not so think, and feel.

If God now wills the removal of a great wrong, and wills also that we of the North as well as you of the South, shall pay fairly for our complicity in that wrong, impartial History will find therein new cause to attest and revere the justice and goodness of God.

I claim not to have controlled events, but confess plainly that events have controlled me.

I never knew a man who wished to be himself a slave. Consider if you know any good thing, that no man desires for himself.

Let not him who is houseless pull down the house of another; but let him labor diligently and build one for himself, thus by example assuring that his own shall be safe from violence when built.

They [troopos] forever must and will be remembered by the grateful country for whose salvation they devote their lives.

War, at the best, is terrible, and ours, in its magnitude and in its duration, is one of the most terrible.

This war has taken three years; it was begun or accepted upon the line of restoring the national authority over the whole national domain, and for the America n people, as far as my knowledge enables me to speak, I say we are going through on this line if it takes three years more.

We accepted this war for an object, a worthy object, and the war will end when that object is attained.

Blood can not restore blood, and government should not act for revenge.

Blood can not restore blood, and government should not act for revenge.

There is enough yet before us requiring all loyal men and patriots to perform their share of the labor and follow the example of the modest General at the head of our armies, and sink all personal considerations for the sake of the country. I commend you to keep yourselves in the same tranquil mood that is characteristic of that brave and loyal man.

I am, indeed, very grateful to the brave men who have been struggling with the enemy in the field, to their noble commanders who have directed them, and especially to our Maker. Our commanders are following up their victories resolutely and successfully.

Ladies and gentlemen, you, no doubt, desire to have a speech from me. In lieu of a speech, I propose that we give three cheers for Major General Grant and all the armies under his command.

If there is anything wanting which is within my power to give, do not fail to let me know. And now with a brave Army, and a just cause, may God sustain you.

Tell Tad the goats and father are very well – especially the goats.

I happen temporarily to occupy this big White House. I am a living witness that any one of your children may look to come here as my father’s child has.

It is not merely for to-day, but for all time to come that we should perpetuate for our children's children this great and free government, which we have enjoyed all our lives.

If Jefferson Davis wishes, for himself, or for the benefit of his friends at the North, to know what I would do if he were to offer peace and re-union, saying nothing about slavery, let him try me.

The way these measures were to help the cause, was not to be by magic, or miracles, but by inducing the colored people to come bodily over from the rebel side to ours.

Hold on with a bull-dog grip, and chew and choke, as much as possible.

The present presidential contest will almost certainly be no other than a contest between a Union and a Disunion candidate, disunion certainly following the success of the latter.

Any proposition which embraces the restoration of peace, the integrity of the whole Union, and the abandonment of slavery ... will be received and considered by the Executive government of the United States, and will be met by liberal terms on other substantial and collateral points.

Truth is generally the best vindication against slander.

If you can find, any person anywhere professing to have any proposition of Jefferson Davis in writing, for peace, embracing the restoration of the Union and abandonment of slavery, what ever else it embraces, say to him he may come to me ...

The nomination is gratefully accepted.

The nomination is gratefully accepted.

You have generously said to me more than once, that whenever your resignation could be a relief to me, it was at my disposal. The time has come.

The public interest and my private interest have been perfectly parallel, because in no other way could I serve myself so well, as by truly serving the Union.

No man desires peace more ardently than I. Still, I am yet unprepared to give up the Union for a peace which, so achieved, could not be of much duration.

All well, including Tad's pony and the goats.

It has always been a sentiment with me that all mankind should be free.

It has always been a sentiment with me that all mankind should be free.

Your people – the Friends – have had, and are having, a very great trial. On principle, and faith, opposed to both war and oppression, they can only practically oppose oppression by war.

The purposes of the Almighty are perfect, and must prevail, though we erring mortals may fail to accurately perceive them in advance.

I am much indebted to the good christian people of the country for their constant prayers and consolations.

Nowhere in the world is presented a government of so much liberty and equality. To the humblest and poorest amongst us are held out the highest privileges and positions.

I am in favor of short statutes of limitations in politics.

I pray that our Heavenly Father may assuage the anguish of your bereavement, and leave you only the cherished memory of the loved and lost, and the solemn pride that must be yours, to have laid so costly a sacrifice upon the altar of Freedom.

Gold is good in its place; but living, brave, patriotic men, are better than gold.

The election was a necessity. We can not have free government without elections; and if the rebellion could force us to forego, or postpone a national election, it might fairly claim to have already conquered and ruined us.

It has long been a grave question whether any government, not too strong for the liberties of its people, can be strong enough to maintain its own existence, in great emergencies.

It is no pleasure to me to triumph over any one; but I give thanks to the Almighty for this evidence of the people's resolution to stand by free government and the rights of humanity.

It is said that we have the best Government the world ever knew, and I am glad to meet you, the supporters of that Government. To you who render the hardest work in its support should be given the greatest credit.

... consider how fortunate it was for the Secesh that Sheridan was a very little man. If he had been a large man, there is no knowing what he would have done with them.

Three cheers for all our noble commanders and the soldiers and sailors; three cheers for all people everywhere who cheer the soldiers and sailors of the Union.

Send us what you may know of your army vote.

Send us what you may know of your army vote.

I wish all men to be free. I wish the material prosperity of the already free which I feel sure the extinction of slavery would bring. I wish to see, in process of disappearing, that only thing which ever could bring this nation to civil war. I attempt no argument.

Both [sides in the war] read the same Bible, and pray to the same God; and each invokes His aid against the other.

This [13th] amendment is a King's cure for all the evils. It winds the whole thing up. ... It was the fitting if not indispensable adjunct to the consummation of the great game we are playing.

Time, now that the enemy is wavering, is more important than ever before. Being on the downhill, & somewhat confused, keeping him going.

Thoughtful men must feel that the fate of civilization upon this continent is involved in the issue of our contest.

Many, many, thanks for your Christmas gift – the capture of Savannah.

I think a man who offers to volunteer and is rejected, should not afterwards be drafted and forced to serve.

it is a worthy object to again get Louisiana into proper practical relations with the nation; and we can never finish this, if we never begin it.

Between him [Jefferson Davis] and us the issue is distinct, simple, and inflexible. It is an issue which can only be tried by war, and decided by victory.

It is a subject of congratulation and laudable pride to our countrymen that a navy of such vast proportions has been organized in so brief a period, and conducted with so much efficiency and success.

In my opinion, the Religion that sets men to rebel and fight against their government, because, as they think, that government does not sufficiently help some men to eat their bread on the sweat of other men's faces, is not the sort of Religion upon which people can get to heaven!''

It is certain now that Richmond is in our hands, and I think I will go there to-morrow. I will take care of myself.

It seemed to me a great battle, but the older hands here scarcely noticed it, and, sure enough, this morning it was found that very little had been done.

We have to reach the bottom of the insurgent resources; and that they employ, or seriously

We have to reach the bottom of the insurgent resources; and that they employ, or seriously think of employing, the slaves as soldiers, gives us glimpses of the bottom.

I was born in Kentucky, raised in Indiana, reside in Illinois, and now here, it is my duty to care equally for the good people of all the States.

Whenever I hear any one arguing for slavery I feel a strong impulse to see it tried on him personally.

Men are not flattered by being shown that there has been a difference of purpose between the Almighty and them.

Fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray, that this mighty scourge of war may speedily pass away.

With malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in, to bind up the nation's wounds.

It may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just God's assistance in wringing their bread from the sweat of other men's faces, but let us judge not, that we be not judged.

Both parties deprecated war, but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive, and the other would accept war rather than let it perish, and the war came.

Personally I care nothing about a re-election; but if our divisions defeat us, I fear for the country.

I think it cannot be shown that when I have once taken a position, I have ever retreated from it.

My wife is as handsome as when she was a girl, and I, a poor nobody then, fell in love with her; and what is more, I have never fallen out.

Abraham Lincoln is my name / And with this pen I wrote the same / I wrote in both haste and speed / and left it here for fools to read.

All that I am, or hope to be, I owe to my angel mother

I do the very best I know how – the very best I can; and I mean to keep doing so until the end.

I do the very best I know how - the very best I can; and I mean to keep doing so until the end.

Bad promises are better broken than kept.

As a general rule, I abstain from reading the reports of attacks upon myself, wishing not to be provoked by that to which I cannot properly offer an answer.

Important principles may, and must, be inflexible.

I have always thought ‘Dixie’ one of the best tunes I have ever heard. Our adversaries over the way attempted to appropriate it, but I insisted yesterday that we fairly captured it.

Were I president, I should desire the legislation of the country to rest with Congress, uninfluenced by the executive in its origin or progress.

With me, the race of ambition has been a failure – a flat failure; with him it has been one of splendid success.

A Law may be both constitutional and expedient, and yet may be administered in an unjust and unfair way.

The people – the people – are the rightful masters of both congresses, and courts …

The army, like the nation, has become demoralized by the idea that the war is to be ended … by strategy, and not by hard desperate fighting.

I have never professed an indifference to the honors of official station; and were I to do so now, I should only make myself ridiculous.

You have, like heroes, endured, and fought, and conquered. I am under immeasurable obligations to you.

In assisting to save the life of the Republic, they [African Americans] have demonstrated in blood their right to the ballot, which is but the humane protection of the flag they have so fearlessly defended.

The restoration of the Rebel States to the Union must rest upon the principle of civil and political equality of the both races.